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Family dynamics are complex, too, and media dynasties are animated by different factors — workaday business imperatives, the desire to pass on wealth, an old-fashioned sense of civic duty. Murdoch began with a small regional paper in Australia, inherited from his father. He quickly expanded the business into a national and then an international force, in part by ruthlessly using his platform to help elect his preferred candidates and then ruthlessly using those candidates to help extend his reach.
Politicians know what Murdoch wants, and they know what he can deliver: the base, their voters — power. The Murdoch approach to empire building has reached its apotheosis in the Trump era. Murdoch had long dreamed of having a close relationship with an American president. On the surface, he and Trump have very little in common: One is a global citizen with homes around the world, a voracious reader with at least some sense of self-awareness.
But they are each a son of an aspiring empire builder, and their respective dynasties shared the same core value — growth through territorial conquest — and employed the same methods to achieve it, leveraging political relationships to gain power and influence.
Murdoch has carefully built an image during his six decades in media as a pragmatist who will support liberal governments when it suits him. Yet his various news outlets have inexorably pushed the flow of history to the right across the Anglosphere, whether they were advocating for the United States and its allies to go to war in Iraq in , undermining global efforts to combat climate change or vilifying people of color at home or from abroad as dangerous threats to a white majority.
Even as his empire grew — traversing oceans, countries and media — Murdoch saw to it that it would always remain a family business. Underpinning it was a worldview that the government was the enemy of an independent media and a business model that depended nonetheless on government intervention to advance his interests and undermine those of his competitors. The Murdoch dynasty draws no lines among politics, money and power; they all work together seamlessly in service of the overarching goal of imperial expansion.
He is a businessman who wants to satisfy his customers. His assets also include entertainment companies , sports networks and moderate broadsheets. Murdoch embodies these same contradictions.
Most dynasties break apart eventually, as decision-making power is dispersed across individuals and generations with different attitudes about their family business and the world in general. No one knows this better than Murdoch, who in took over Dow Jones, publisher of The Wall Street Journal, by exploiting divisions within the Bancroft family , which had run the paper for more than a century.
Murdoch thought he had protected himself from a similar fate by keeping a controlling interest in his empire; no one could take it away from him. The challenge would be holding it together. On the day in that Rupert Murdoch was born, his father, Keith Murdoch, was in the midst of his first campaign to elect a prime minister from his newsroom in Australia.
As a young newspaperman, Keith gained fame by evading military censors to report on the slaughter of his countrymen during the British-led Gallipoli campaign of World War I. He did own two regional newspapers, one of which had to be sold to pay off his death duties when he died suddenly in That left only the 75,circulation News of Adelaide for his year-old son, who was finishing his degree at Oxford.
But Rupert Murdoch had already received something much more valuable from his father: an extended tutorial in how to use media holdings to extract favors from politicians. His first order of business was to establish a proper Murdoch-owned empire in Australia. He would eventually take control of nearly two-thirds of the national newspaper market. Rupert Murdoch in His influence became an uncomfortable fact of British political life, and Murdoch seemed to revel in it.
Murdoch used the same playbook in the United States. It was a group that included Roger Stone Jr. The Reagan administration later waived a prohibition against owning a television station and a newspaper in the same market, allowing Murdoch to hold onto his big metro dailies, The New York Post and The Boston Herald, even as he moved into TV in both cities. The administration of George H.
Bush suspended rules that forbade broadcast networks to own prime-time shows or to profit from them.
These changes were driven by technology: It was now possible to transmit endless amounts of content all over the world in an instant. But they were also driven by regulatory changes, in particular the liberation of TV and radio operators from the government guidelines that ruled the public airwaves.
In Prime Time, Jane Fonda offers an empowering vision for how to live your best life, for all of your life. In this inspiring and candid book, Jane Fonda, 1 bestselling author, actress, and workout pioneer, gives us a blueprint for living well and for making the most of life, especially the second half of it.
Covering sex, love, food, fitness, self-understanding, spiritual and social growth, and your brain. In Prime Time, she offers a vision for successful living and maturing, A to Z.
Highlighting new research and stories from her own life and from the lives of others, Jane Fonda explores how the critical years from 45 and 50, and especially from 60 and beyond, can be times when we truly become the energetic, loving, fulfilled people we were meant to be.
Covering the 11 key ingredients for vital living, Fonda invites you to consider with her how to live a more insightful, healthy, and fully integrated life, a life lived more profoundly in touch with ourselves, our bodies, minds, and spirits, and with our talents, friends, and communities.
In her research, Fonda discovered two metaphors, the arch and the staircase, that became for her two visions of life. Richard Side. Helen Cresswell. Rhona Snelling. Pauline Cullen. Phrasal Verbs.
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